posted 3rd June 2025
Niger Junta’s Allegations of Foreign Interference: Fact or Fiction?
3 June 2025
The head of Niger’s military junta, General Abdourahamane Tchiani, has made explosive claims, accusing Nigeria, Algeria, Benin Republic, France, and the United States of orchestrating a campaign to destabilise his country by supporting terrorist groups. These allegations, aired in a recent address, have sparked diplomatic tensions and drawn sharp rebuttals, notably from Nigerian Senator Shehu Sani. In a post on X, Sani dismissed the claims as baseless, questioning the logic behind Nigeria’s alleged involvement and urging Tchiani to focus on Niger’s internal security challenges rather than seeking scapegoats. This article examines the junta’s accusations, analyses their plausibility, and explores whether there is any truth to the notion that external actors are working to undermine Niger’s stability.
Niger has been grappling with significant instability since a military coup in July 2023 ousted President Mohamed Bazoum. General Tchiani, who declared himself the new head of state, has faced domestic and international pressure to restore democratic governance. The coup strained relations with regional neighbours and Western partners, particularly France, which had maintained a military presence in Niger to combat jihadist groups in the Sahel. The junta’s decision to expel French troops and revoke military pacts with France and Benin has further isolated Niger diplomatically.
The Sahel region, encompassing Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso, is a hotspot for violent extremism, with groups like Boko Haram, Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS), and Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) exploiting weak governance and porous borders. Niger’s accusations come against this backdrop, with Tchiani claiming that foreign powers are funding these very groups to weaken his regime.
In a Christmas Day 2024 address and subsequent statements, Tchiani accused Nigeria, Benin, and Algeria of serving as bases for terrorist activities, allegedly backed by France and the US. He claimed that Nigeria hosts a French military base intended to destabilise Niger and that Benin acts as a “rear base” for terrorists. Algeria, despite its own tensions with France, was also implicated, though without specific evidence. Posts on X amplified these claims, with some users alleging that France is funnelling advanced weapons to Fulani terrorists via Nigeria to destabilise the Sahel.
Senator Sani’s response highlights the incredulity of these accusations. He notes that Nigeria, itself a victim of Boko Haram’s violence, has no strategic interest in destabilising Niger, a neighbour with whom it shares cultural and economic ties. Sani also questions Algeria’s inclusion, given its ongoing diplomatic spat with France over issues like Western Sahara and historical colonialism.
The accused countries have swiftly rejected Tchiani’s claims. Benin’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs summoned a Nigerien diplomat to protest the allegations, describing them as “baseless and inflammatory.” The ministry reaffirmed Benin’s commitment to regional stability and dialogue, noting recent efforts to mend ties with Niger, such as appointing new ambassadors.
Nigeria’s National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, dismissed the notion of a French military base on Nigerian soil as “unfounded,” emphasising that Nigeria would never permit foreign military installations. The Federal Government expressed openness to dialogue with Niger to resolve misunderstandings. Algeria has not issued a formal response, likely due to the lack of specific evidence tying it to the allegations. France, a frequent target of Sahel juntas, has consistently denied accusations of supporting terrorism, with its foreign ministry labelling similar claims in 2023 as fabrications.
To assess the veracity of Tchiani’s allegations, we must consider motive, evidence, and regional dynamics. As Sani argues, Nigeria gains little from Niger’s instability. Both countries are members of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and cooperate through the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) to combat Boko Haram. Destabilising Niger would exacerbate Nigeria’s own security challenges, given the shared border and cross-border terrorism.
Benin and Niger have had trade disputes, notably over oil exports and border closures, but recent diplomatic efforts suggest a thawing of relations. Accusing Benin of hosting terrorists seems more like a rhetorical escalation than a substantiated claim, especially given Benin’s role in the MNJTF.
Algeria’s inclusion is puzzling. As a regional power with a strong anti-terrorism stance, Algeria has no clear motive to destabilise Niger. Its frosty relations with France make collusion unlikely. The accusation may stem from Niger’s frustration with Algeria’s neutral stance post-coup.
France’s colonial legacy and military presence in the Sahel have long fuelled suspicions of neo-colonial meddling. The US, while less vilified, is seen as complicit due to its counterterrorism partnerships. However, both countries have historically supported Niger’s government to counter jihadist threats, not to undermine it. The junta’s anti-Western rhetoric may reflect a desire to rally domestic support by casting France and the US as scapegoats.
Tchiani’s claims lack concrete evidence. His Christmas Day address and subsequent statements, as reported on X, rely on broad assertions without detailing specific incidents, funding trails, or intercepted communications. Earlier junta accusations, such as France’s alleged airspace violations in 2023, were similarly unsubstantiated and denied by Paris. The absence of verifiable data undermines the credibility of these allegations.
The junta’s accusations align with a broader trend among Sahel military regimes, particularly in Mali and Burkina Faso, which have accused France and Western powers of fuelling instability. This narrative resonates with populations frustrated by persistent insecurity and perceived foreign exploitation. By blaming external actors, Tchiani may be deflecting criticism from his regime’s inability to curb terrorism and stabilise Niger.
However, the Sahel’s security crisis predates the 2023 coup. The region’s fragility, marked by 25 successful coups between 1960 and 2022, weak governance, and socio-economic challenges, creates fertile ground for extremism. External actors, including Russia’s Wagner Group, which now operates in Mali, further complicate the landscape. While foreign interference cannot be entirely ruled out, the junta’s claims appear more as political posturing than evidence-based assertions.
The idea that Nigeria, Benin, Algeria, France, and the US are colluding to destabilise Niger is highly improbable. The accused countries have distinct interests, and some, like Nigeria and Benin, are themselves battling the same terrorist groups Tchiani claims they support. France and the US, while not without geopolitical agendas, have historically invested in Niger’s stability to counter jihadist expansion, though their methods have sparked local resentment.
That said, Niger’s strategic importance—rich in uranium and a key player in Sahel counterterrorism—makes it a focal point for global powers. The junta’s pivot towards Russia, following the expulsion of French troops, suggests a realignment that may provoke Western pushback, though not necessarily through terrorism. Economic sanctions, diplomatic isolation, or covert intelligence operations are more plausible forms of interference, but no evidence supports Tchiani’s specific claims.
